四 讨论

人口统计参数和地理参数在解释中心城市和特定的内环郊区的高犯罪率中都起到了重要作用。社会学家和犯罪学家长期以来都主张中心城市的贫困地区可能导致更高的犯罪率。尽管很多研究人员已经注意到贫困地区对犯罪的生态影响,然而总的来说,这些分析都没有将郊区城市化对中心城市犯罪的因果效应和组合效应分离开来。我们认为地区环境对犯罪的Shaw和Mckay式影响可以通过大都市犯罪率与郊区城市化标准的结合而识别出来。这种方法桎梏于大都市区的数量之少和大都市级变量间的高度相关性及内生性,因此其实证意义相对较弱。这种实证策略的好处就是它不会混淆真正的因果效应和人口外迁引起分母变化而导致的中心城市犯罪率变化。

表3和表4的回归证明了这一假设,即郊区城市化在组合效应之外还可能提高中心城市犯罪率。由于其数目之大,大都市级别犯罪数的增加是容易记录的。特别是,郊区城市化与犯罪在财产犯罪中的关系比在暴力犯罪中更紧密。暴力犯罪与财产犯罪间的这种差异也符合基于日常活动理论的实证研究(Stahura & Sloan,1988)。然而结果却对用来衡量郊区城市化的某些特定指标非常敏感。以中心城市人口在大都市人口中所占比例为例,在大部分模型里它都能表明郊区城市化减少犯罪。那为什么在回归结果中它却不同于其他指标呢?正如Farley所述,中心城市人口比例与地区因素和历史因素有关,而非郊区城市化。例如,31个中心城市人口比例超过70%的大都市区里,得克萨斯州占了12个。然而,大多数分析都认为得克萨斯州大都市区的郊区城市化高度发达。因此,如同之前的文献那样,我们在将中心城市人口比例作为郊区城市化指标时仍持怀疑态度。

基于剩下的郊区城市化标准,我们得出一个结论,即郊区城市化与大都市区的整体犯罪率呈正相关。这种效应对财产犯罪比对暴力犯罪更强烈。因此,此处显示的证据证明了这样一个论点,即郊区城市化与大都市犯罪呈正相关,并通过对中心城市地区的经济与社会隔离而表现出来。

这里展示的只是初步模型,并且可能忽略了可变偏压。建造年代、地形及当地住房市场的特性之类的因素可能同时影响到犯罪和郊区城市化。在进一步的研究中,我们将会评估基于几十年人口普查和犯罪资料上的固定的效应模型,以尝试控制这些因素,至少让它们随着时间的推移成为常量。无论这里的研究结果是否得到纵向分析的认可,这篇文章证实了一个重要的方法论观点:过去的研究没有明确地区分郊区城市化对中心城市犯罪的因果效应和组合效应。

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[1] Paul A.Jargowsky,美国得克萨斯大学达拉斯分校公共政策专业教授。1991年毕业于哈佛大学公共政策专业,获博士学位,主要研究方向包括贫困的集中化、种族与阶级隔离、城郊无序扩张等。
Yoonhwan Park,美国得克萨斯大学达拉斯分校德克萨斯学校项目研究员,得克萨斯大学达拉斯分校公共政策与政治经济学博士,研究方向包括城市发展的空间模式、贫困、犯罪及社会分层。
包松涛,男,生于1989年,香港浸会大学硕士,上海第二工业大学外语学院教师。

[2] 相关计算基于美国联邦调查局的统一犯罪报告,表12:基于人口群体的犯罪趋势,2004~2005。犯罪率以每10万居民为单位进行统计。城郊区域包括居民数量不足5万城市的执法机构及大都市统计区中的郡县执法机构,且不包括大都市区的任何中心城市相关机构。

[3] 相比之下,Jordan,Ross和Usowski(1998)发现中心城市犯罪会削弱郊区城市化进程——这与他们的预期结果相反。

[4] 尽管正相关的观点确实更为普通(Beasley & Antunes,1974;Booth,Welch,& Johnson,1976;Galle,1973;Lorenz,1967;Mladenka & Hill,1976;van den Berghe,1974;Wolfgang & Ferracuti,1967),一些研究却发现其为负相关(Angel,1968;Jacobs,1961;Kvalseth,1977;Pressman & Carol,1971;Schichor,Decker,& O’Brien,1980;Weathersby,1970)。参见如下:Jarrell and Howsen(1990),Kposowa,Breault,and Harrison(1995),and Barber(2000)。

[5] Malpezzi的地理数据详见如下网址:http://www.bus.wisc.edu/realestate/docs/docs/smallmsa.xls。