第458章

All this constitutes a steady， systematic defense of insubordination and revolt； as， "under the name of hoarding and monopoly， commerce and industry are described as misdemeanors；" property is unsettled and every rich man rendered suspicious， "talent and integrity silenced."In short， a public conspiracy made against society in the very name of society， "while the sacred symbol of liberty is made use of as a seal"to exempt a few tyrants from punishment. Such a protest said aloud what most Frenchmen muttered to themselves， and from month to month， graver excesses exited greater censure.

"Anarchy exists[72] to a degree scarcely to be paralleled， wrote the ambassador of the United States. The horror and apprehension， which the licentious associations have universally inspired， are such that there is reason to believe that the great mass of the French population would consider even despotism a blessing， if accompanied with that security to persons and property， experienced even under the worst governments in Europe."Another observer， not less competent，[73] says：

"it is plain to my eyes that when Louis XVI. finally succumbed， he had more partisans in France than the year previous， at the time of his flight to Varennes."The truth of this， indeed， was frequently verified at the end of 1791and beginning of 1792， by various investigations.[74] "Eighteen thousand officers of every grade， elected by the constitutionalists， seventy-one department administrations out of eighty-two， most of the tribunals，[75] all traders and manufacturers， every chief and a large portion of the National Guard of Paris，" in short， the élite of the nation， and among citizens generally， the great majority who lived from day to day were for him， and for the "Right" of the Assembly against the "Left". If internal trouble had not been complicated by external difficulties， there would have been a change in opinion， and this the King expected. In accepting the Constitution， he thought that its defects would be revealed in practical operation and that they would lead to a reform. In the mean time he scrupulously observed the Constitution， and， through interest as well as conscience， kept his oath to the letter. "The most faithful execution of the Constitution，"he said to one of his ministers， "is the surest way to make the nation see the changes that ought to be made in it."[76] -- In other words， he counted on experience， and it is very probable that if there had been nothing to interfere with experience， his calculations would have finally chosen between the defenders of order and the instigators of disorder. It would have decided for the magistrates against the clubs， for the police against rioters， for the king against the mob. In one or two years more it would have learned that a restoration of the executive power was indispensable for securing the execution of the laws； that the chief of police， with his hands tied， could not do his duty； that it was undoubtedly wise to give him his orders， but that if he was to be of any use against knaves and fools， his hands should first be set free.

V.

Effects of the war on the common people.-- Its alarms and fury. -- The second revolutionary outburst and its characteristics. -- Alliance of the Girondists with the mob. -- The red cap and pikes. -- Universal substitution of government by force for government by law.