第1145章

There is no room in the France to which Cuvier returns for institutions of this stamp； they are excluded from it by the social system which has prevailed. - First of all， public law， as the Revolution and Napoleon comprehended it and enacted it， is hostile to them；[17] for it sets up the principle that in a State there must be no special corporations permanent， under their own control， supported by mort main property， acting in their own right and conducting a public service for their own benefit， especially if this service is that of teaching； for the State has taken this charge upon itself， reserved it for itself and assumed the monopoly of it； hence， the unique and comprehensive university founded by it， and which excludes free， local and numerous universities. Thus， in its essence， it is the self-teaching State and not self-teaching science； thus defined， the two types are contradictory； not only are the two bodies different， but again the two spirits are incompatible； each has an aim of its own， which is not the aim of the other. In a special sense， the use to which the Emperor assigns his university is contrary to the aim of the German universities； it is founded for his own advantage， that he may possess "the means for shaping moral and political opinions." With this object in view it would be wrong for him to allow several establishments within reach of students in which they would be directed by science alone； it is certain that， in many points， the direction here given to youth would poorly square with the rigid， uniform， narrow lines in which Napoleon wishes to confine them.

Schools of this kind would get to be centers of opposition； young men thus fashioned would become dissenters； they would gladly hold personal， independent opinions alongside， or outside， of "the national doctrine，" outside of Napoleonic and civil orthodoxy； and worse still， they would believe in their opinions. Having studied seriously and at first sources， the jurist， the theologian， the philosopher， the historian， the philologist， the economist might perhaps cherish the dangerous pretension of considering himself competent even in social matters； being a Frenchman， he would talk with assurance and indiscretion； he would be much more troublesome than a German； it would soon be necessary to send him to Bicêtre or to the Temple.[18] -In the present state of things， with the exigencies of the reign， and even in the interests of the young themselves， it is essential that superior instruction should be neither encyclopedic nor very profound.

Were this a defect， Frenchmen would not perceive it； they are accustomed to it. Already， before 1789， the classes in the humanities were generally completed by the lesson in philosophy. In this course logic， morals and metaphysics were taught. Here the young persons handled， adjusted， and knocked about more or less adroitly the formula on God， nature， the soul and science they had learned by rote. Less scholastic， abridged， and made easy， this verbal exercise has been maintained in the lycées.[19] Under the new régime， as well as under the old one， a string of abstract terms， which the professor thought he could explain and which the pupil thought he understood， involves young minds in a maze of high， speculative conceptions， beyond their reach and far beyond their experience， education and years. Because pupils play with words， they suppose that they grasp and master ideas， which fancy deprives them of any desire to obtain them. Consequently， in the great French establishment， young people hardly remark the lack of veritable Universities； a liberal， broad spirit of inquiry is not aroused in them； they do not regret their inability to have covered the cycle of varied research and critical investigation， the long and painful road which alone surely leads to profound general conceptions， those grand ideas which are verifiable and solidly based. - And， on the other hand， their quick， summary mode of preparation suffices for the positive and appreciable needs of the new society. The problem is to fill the gaps made in it by the Revolution and to provide the annual and indispensable quota of educated youth. Now， after as before the Revolution， this is understood as being all who have passed through the entire series of classes； under the system， subject to the drill in Latin and mathematics. The young men have here acquired the habit of using clear， connected ideas， a taste for close reasoning， the art of condensing a phrase or a paragraph， an aptitude for attending to the daily business of a worldly， civil life， especially the faculty of carrying on a discussion， of writing a good letter， even the talent for composing a good report or memorial.[20] A young man with these skills， some scraps of natural philosophy， and with still briefer notions of geography and history， has all the general， preliminary culture he needs， all the information he requires for aspiring to one of the careers called liberal. The choice rests with himself； he will be what he wants to be， or what he is able to be -professor， engineer， physician， member of the bar， an administrator or a functionary. In each of his qualifications he renders an important service to the public， he exercises an honorable profession； let him be competent and expert， that concerns society. But that alone is all that society cares about； it is not essential that it should find in him additionally an erudite or a philosopher.